{"id":1233,"date":"2023-05-11T09:01:05","date_gmt":"2023-05-11T09:01:05","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/healthynewsusa.com\/?p=1233"},"modified":"2023-05-11T09:01:11","modified_gmt":"2023-05-11T09:01:11","slug":"pbms-the-brokers-who-control-drug-prices-finally-get-washingtons-attention","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/healthynewsusa.com\/?p=1233","title":{"rendered":"PBMs, the Brokers Who Control Drug Prices, Finally Get Washington\u2019s Attention"},"content":{"rendered":"
\n

For two decades, patients and physicians eagerly awaited a lower-cost version of the world\u2019s bestselling drug, Humira, while its maker, AbbVie, fought off potential competitors by building a wall of more than 250 patents around it.<\/p>\n

When the first Humira biosimilar \u2014 essentially a generic version \u2014 finally hit the market in January, it came with an unpleasant surprise. The biosimilar\u2019s maker, Amgen, launched two versions of the drug, which treats a host of conditions including rheumatoid arthritis. They were identical in every way but this: One was priced<\/a> at about $1,600 for a two-week supply, 55% off Humira\u2019s list price. But the other was priced at around $3,300, only about 5% off. And OptumRx, one of three powerhouse brokers that determine which drugs Americans get, recommended option No. 2<\/a>: the more expensive version.<\/p>\n

As Murdo Gordon, an Amgen executive vice president, explained in an earnings call<\/a>, the higher price enabled his company to give bigger rebates, or post-sale discounts, to Optum and other intermediaries. Most of that money would be passed on to insurers, and patients, he said. Gordon did not mention that the higher-priced option would leave some patients paying much more out-of-pocket, undermining the whole rationale for generic drugs.<\/p>\n

The Optum-Amgen announcements perfectly elucidated why, after years of thundering against drugmakers, Congress and the administration have now focused on regulating the deal-makers known as pharmacy benefit managers, or PBMs. Sen. Bernie Sanders\u2019 health committee grilled a panel of PBM<\/a> and pharmaceutical executives Wednesday in preparation for a vote on PBM legislation, expected Thursday.<\/p>\n

The three biggest PBMs \u2014 OptumRx, CVS Caremark, and Express Scripts \u2014 control about 80% of prescription drug sales in America and are the most profitable parts of the health conglomerates in which they\u2019re nestled. CVS Health, the fourth-largest U.S. corporation by revenue on Fortune\u2019s list<\/a>, owns CVS Caremark and the insurer Aetna; UnitedHealth Group, a close fifth, owns Optum; and Cigna, ranking 12th, owns Express Scripts. While serving as middlemen among drugmakers, insurers, and pharmacies, the three corporations also own the highest-grossing specialty drug and mail-order pharmacies.<\/p>\n

\u201cJohn D. Rockefeller would be happy to be alive today,\u201d said David Balto, a former Federal Trade Commission attorney who represents clients suing PBMs. \u201cHe could own a PBM and monopolize economic power in ways he never imagined.\u201d<\/p>\n

Drug manufacturers claim that exorbitant PBM demands for rebates force them to set high list prices to earn a profit. Independent pharmacists say PBMs are driving them out of business. Physicians blame them for unpredictable, clinically invalid prescribing decisions. And patients complain that PBMs\u2019 choices drain their pocketbooks.<\/p>\n

With PBMs driving prices, competition has had the opposite effect<\/a> from what economic theory predicted Medicare patients would spend out-of-pocket on drugs, one large study showed. Over a five-year period, patients were paying 50% more for branded drugs that had competitors than for those that didn\u2019t.<\/p>\n

All this makes the PBMs ripe targets for politicians of both parties. Yet the complexity and obscurity of their role in the drug marketplace have skeptics wondering whether legislation advancing in the House and Senate will actually help patients or lower prices at the pharmacy counter.<\/p>\n

\u201cWe may try to make things better and actually make things worse,\u201d Sen. Rand Paul (R-Ky.) said at Wednesday\u2019s hearing.<\/p>\n

The PBMs pass along most of their rebates to health plans, which will bear a larger share of patient drug costs in coming years under Medicare changes that are part of the 2022 Inflation Reduction Act. It\u2019s likely that pressure on insurers will be passed along to PBMs and result in even more aggressive limits on physician prescription decisions, said Troyen Brennan, an adjunct Harvard University professor who was chief medical officer for CVS Health from 2008 to 2022.<\/p>\n

Several congressional bills target drug company rebates to PBMs and what\u2019s known as \u201cspread pricing\u201d \u2014 the extra money PBMs collect from insurers over what they pay pharmacies for drugs.<\/p>\n

But those aren\u2019t the big PBM revenue sources anymore, Brennan said. PBMs today mostly make money by owning mail-order and specialty pharmacies and from the government\u2019s 340B program<\/a>, created to help hospitals that treat a disproportionately elderly and poor population. Medicare requires drugmakers to provide big discounts to participating hospitals and the growing rosters of affiliated physician groups they own, and some of those discounts end up with PBMs.<\/p>\n

Employers and the federal government decide where most of the rebate money goes, PBM leaders testified Wednesday \u2014 and health plans decide what out-of-pocket costs their covered members will pay.<\/p>\n

In other words, drug companies blame PBMs for high drug counter prices, PBMs blame insurers, and insurers blame the drug companies, all part of a health care system that hinges on an unspoken bargain: Make life comfortable for some \u2014 mostly the upper and middle classes \u2014 at the expense of lower-income and poorly insured people who get what they get.<\/p>\n

\n

\n<\/p>\n